| 
1455/01/08 | 
Bull
  “Romanus Pontifex”, Nicholas V | 
Columbus, returning from his first voyage to America, was driven
  by storms into the river Tagus. On March 9, 1493, he was received by the King
  of Portugal, who " showed that he felt disgusted and grieved because he
  believed that this discovery [of the lands found by Columbus] was made within
  the seas and bounds of his lordship of Guinea which was prohibited and
  likewise because the said Admiral was somewhat raised from his condition and
  in the account of his affairs always went beyond the bounds of the truth
  ".' The king said " that he understood that, in the capitulation 2
  between the sovereigns [of Castile] and himself, that conquest [which
  Columbus had made] belonged to him.' The admiral replied that he had not seen
  the capitulation, nor knew more than that the sovereigns had ordered him not
  to go either to La Mina * or to any other port of Guinea, and that this had
  been ordered to be proclaimed in all the ports of Andalusia before he sailed
  ".' Thus, before Columbus had arrived in Spain, his discoveries in the
  New World threatened to create an international difficulty. To explain this
  difficulty it is necessary to consider the earlier history of the conflicting
  claims of Portugal and Castile to the newly discovered lands. The first such
  conflict concerned the Canary Islands, rediscovered in the latter part of the
  thirteenth century. In 1344, on the ground that he wished to Christianize
  these islands, Don Luis de la Cerda, admiral of France and great-grandson of
  Alfonso the Wise, obtained a bull of investiture from Pope  Clement VI., and was crowned Prince of
  Fortunia * at Avignon. At this time the kings of Portugal and Castile agreed
  to set aside their own opposing claims to the archipelago and to help Luis in
  the enterprise to which the Pope had thus lent his support.' But Luis never
  entered into possession, and Portugal and Castile kept up the struggle for
  the islands. Papal bulls were issued, favorable now to one and now to the other
  party, and the question of ownership, which was argued before the Council of
  Basel in 1435, was not finally settled until 1479, when, by the treaty of
  Alcacovas, Portugal ceded the islands to Castile.' The second Castilian-
  Portuguese controversy concerned Africa, where Portugal was following up her
  conquest of Ceuta (141 5) by other military expeditions in Morocco, and by
  sending caravels southward along the western coast and opening up a trade
  with Guinea. In 1441 slaves and gold-dust were first brought back to Portugal
  from beyond Cape Bojador. By 1454 trade with that region had greatly developed
  ' so that Cadamosto, the Venetian, wrote that " from no traffic in the
  world could the like [gain] be had "!* The kings of Castile, basing
  their claims on the same grounds that they had employed in respect to the
  Canaries — possession by their ancestors, the Visigothic kings — asserted
  their right to the conquest of the lands of Africa" and to Guinea and
  the Guinea trade. They even imposed a tax upon the merchandise brought from
  those parts." The Castilian-Portuguese controversy over the Guinea trade
  began as early as 1454. On April 10 of that year the King of Castile, John
  II., wrote a letter " to the King of Portugal, Alfonso V., containing
  comptetru’s"and demands in respect to the Canaries, and also in respect
  to the seizure by a Portuguese captain of an Andalusian vessel which,
  together with others also belonging to the citizens of Seville and Cadiz, had
  arrived within a league of Cadiz on its return from a trading voyage to
  Guinea." The King of Castile, or rather the two ecclesiastics who a few
  months before had begun their energetic management of his affairs,"
  demanded the restitution of the captured subjects of the Castilian crown and
  of the caravel and her cargo of Guinea merchandise. At the same time "
  these virtual rulers of Castile sent ambassadors to the King of Portugal to
  threaten war unless he should desist from the " conquest " of
  Barbary and of Guinea, which belonged to Castile. The King of Portugal,
  although greatly vexed, replied with much moderation that it was certain that
  that " conquest " belonged to him and to the kingdom of Portugal,
  and urged that the peace should not be broken until the truth as to the
  proprietorship were ascertained. Before this reply had reached the King of
  Castile he had fallen ill and he died in July of this year." His successor,
  Henry IV., a king of weak character, was little fitted to oppose the
  pretensions of Portugal. Moreover, by August, 1454, he was already engaged in
  negotiating a marriage with the sister of the Portuguese king." It is
  probable that King Alfonso deemed the time especially propitious for a
  settlement of the dispute over the proprietorship of Morocco, Guinea, and the
  Guinea trade. In attempting to establish his claims, he would naturally seek
  aid from the Pope, for that potentate's independent position made him the
  arbitrator between nations, while his spiritual authority, in particular his
  powers of excommunication and interdict, gave weight to his decisions."
  Moreover, as spiritual fathers of all the peoples of the earth, the popes had
  long undertaken to regulate the relations — including the commercial relations
  — between Christians and unbelievers. The Lateran Council of 1179 prohibited
  the sale to the Saracens of arms, iron, wood to be used in construction, and
  anything else useful for warfare. Certain later popes prohibited all commerce
  with the infidels.** These prohibitions were, however, tempered by papal
  licenses to trade, which were on occasion granted to monarchs, communities,
  or individuals, or by the absolutions sometimes purchased by re- turning
  merchants. In order the more readily to obtain these favors, the applicant
  sometimes pointed out to the Pope how commerce tended to the spread of the
  Christian faith.*1 On January 8, 1455, doubtless in accordance with the
  request of King Alfonso, Nicholas V. issued the bull Romanus pontifex, which
  marks a definite stage in the colonial history of Portugal. By the bull Rex
  regum, January 5, 1443, Eugenius IV. had taken neutral ground in the dispute
  between Portugal and Castile concerning their rights in Africa ; by the bull
  Dum diversas, June 18, 1452, Nicholas V. granted King Alfonso general and
  indefinite powers to search out and conquer all pagans, enslave them and
  appropriate their lands and goods." The bull Romanus pontifex, on the
  other hand, settled the dispute between Portugal and Castile in favor of the
  former, and, apparently for the first time," granted Portugal exclusive rights
  in a vast southerly region. It confirmed the bull Dum diversas, specified the
  district to which it applied — Ceuta, and the district from Capes Bojador and
  Nâo through all Guinea, and " beyond towards that southern shore "
  — and declared that this, together with all other lands acquired by Portugal
  from the infidels before or after 1452, belonged to King Alfonso, his
  successors, and Prince Henry, and to no others. It further declared that King
  Alfonso, his successors, and Prince Henry might make laws or impose restrictions
  and tribute in regard to these lands and seas, and that they and persons
  licensed by them might trade there with the infidels, except in the
  prohibited articles, but that no other Catholics should trade there or enter
  those seas or harbors under pain of excommunication or interdict. | 
  | 
1456/03/13 | 
Bull
  “Inter Caetera”, Callixtus III | 
Calixtus III., who succeeded Nicholas V. on April 8, 1455, was a
  Spaniard of fiery spirit and religious zeal, who exerted himself to the
  utmost to rouse the nations of Europe to a crusade against the Turk. For this
  purpose he despatched legates to many countries,' and among them he sent
  Alvaro, bishop of SHves, an executor of the bull Romanus pontifex ' and a man
  of great authority in the Roman Court,' as legate a latere to King Alfonso V.
  of Portugal. At the same time (February-March, 1456) he granted that monarch
  a number of concessions,* including the following bull, for which Prince
  Henry and Alfonso had petitioned. Besides confirming the bull Romanus
  pontifex, this bull conferred upon the Portuguese military Order of Christ,1
  of which Prince Henry was governor,' the spiritualities in all the lands
  acquired and to be acquired " from Capes Bojador and Nam through the
  whole of Guinea and beyond its southern shore as far as to the Indians
  ". Whether the phrase " usque ad Indos " referred to the
  subjects of Prester John or to the East Indians remains a point of
  controversy.' | 
  | 
1479/09/14 | 
Treaty of Alcáçovas | 
In 1460 the Infante Henry died and the sovereignty of the newly
  discovered lands became vested in the crown of Portugal. King Alfonso V.,
  however, whose chief ambitions were to extend his Moorish conquests and annex
  Castile, did not directly concern himself with continuing the work of exploration.
  This was left to private enterprise, and the impetus given by the infante
  gradually wore itself out, although the Guinea trade was actively prosecuted.
  In 1475 Alfonso invaded Castile, and, to strengthen his pretensions to that
  country, became betrothed to the Princess Joanna, Queen Isabella's rival for
  the Castilian crown. The resulting War of Succession extended beyond the
  limits of the peninsula into the Canary Islands, where the Portuguese aided
  the natives against the Castilians ; * and it gave the Castilians the chance
  to engage vigorously in trade with Guinea — a country which, in spite of the
  bull Romanus pontifex, they continued to claim.* As the result of preliminary
  negotiations held at Alcantara in March, 1479, between Queen Isabella of
  Castile and her aunt, the Infanta Beatrice of Portugal, the bases for a
  settlement were laid, and it was agreed that a peace should be negotiated and
  concluded in Portugal.' In the following June, in pursuance of this
  agreement, Queen Isabella dispatched Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado, of Talavera, a
  lawyer in whom she had great confidence, as ambassador to Portugal with full
  powers to treat.' On the side of Portugal, D. Joao da Silveira, baron
  d'Alvito, was appointed plenipotentiary," but negotiations were
  principally directed by Prince John. On September 4 the plenipotentiaries
  concluded two treaties at Alcagovas. One, called the Tercerias, dealt mostly
  with dynastic matters ; ' the second, a treaty of perpetual peace,
  incorporated and ratified the treaty of peace con- j eluded on October 30,
  1431, between John I. of Portugal and John II. of^ Castile, and also included
  a number of additional articles. These related mostly to such matters as the
  restitution of places, release of prisoners, pardoning of offenders,
  demolition of fortresses, and suppression of robberies committed on land or
  sea by the subjects of one crown against those of the other. But by the
  eighth of these additional articles,' Ferdinand and Isabella bound themselves
  not to disturb Portugal in her possession of the trade and lands of Guinea,'
  or of the Azores, Madeira, or Cape Verde Islands, or of any other islands in
  the region from the Canaries towards Guinea, and not to interfere in the
  conquest of Morocco. On the other hand, by the ninth article,* King Alfonso
  and Prince John ceded the Canaries to Castile. The treaty was apparently
  ratified by Alfonso and Prince John at Evora on September 8, 1479" It
  was ratified by Queen Isabella (King Ferdinand being absent in his kingdoms
  of Aragon) at Trujillo, on September 27, 1479;" proclaimed and published
  in the frontier cities of Badajoz and Elvas on September 1 5, and at Evora on
  September 30 ; " and was ratified by Ferdinand and Isabella at Toledo on
  March 6, 1480. Portugal at once took measures to secure her rights. On April
  6, 1480, Alfonso ordered the captains of ships sent by Prince John to Guinea
  to capture such foreign ships as they might encounter within the limits laid
  down by the treaty of Alcagovas ("das Canarias pera baixo e adjante
  contra Guinea") and to cast their crews into the sea." In the
  following year the Pope confirmed the clause of the treaty that excluded
  foreigners from Guinea." It was pursuant to this treaty that, in 1492,
  the Catholic sovereigns ordered Columbus not to go to La Mina; and that, in
  1493, the King of Portugal claimed the lands discovered by Columbus as his
  own. | 
  | 
1481/06/21 | 
Bull
  “Aeterni Regis”, Sixtus IV | 
This bull is a confirmation by Pope Sixtus IV. of the bulls
  Romanus pontifex (1455)' and Inter caetera (1456),* sanctioning Portugal's
  claims to exclusive rights in Guinea ; and it also includes an important new
  concession, since it confirms that article in the recently ratified treaty of
  Alcacovas * whereby the sovereigns of Castile promised not to disturb
  Portugal in Guinea or in certain of the Atlantic islands or in Morocco. The
  weight of papal authority was thus brought to bear against any attempt on the
  part of Castile to evade her agreement. Such a bull was of particular value
  to Prince John at this juncture. Apparently the first bull of this kind
  issued since the death of the Infante Henry in 1460, it marks the beginning
  of a new stage in the history of African exploration. The Portuguese
  government had for a long time ceased to push forward the southern
  expeditions, but in 1481 they were energetically resumed by Prince John,
  who,. even in the lifetime of his father, was charged with the government of
  the places in Africa and received the revenues from the Guinea trade.4 Upon
  the death of Alfonso in August, 1481, the prince succeeded to the throne
  under the title of John II., and before the end of the year he dispatched an
  expedition under Diogo d'Azambuja to build the fort at Elmina, on the Gold
  Coast.' In 1482 he sent ambassadors to urge King Edward IV. of England to
  prevent his subjects from sailing to Guinea. At about the same time Edward
  petitioned the Pope to permit Englishmen to trade in any part of Africa.' | 
  | 
1493/05/03 | 
Bull
  “Inter Caetera”, Alexander VI | the
  pope assigned to the present and future sovereigns of Castile the lands
  discovered and to be discovered by their envoys and not previously possessed
  by any Christian owner. On the other hand, he safeguarded the concessions
  already made to Portugal with the proviso that by this gift " no right
  conferred on any Christian prince is hereby to be understood as withdrawn or
  to be withdrawn ". The pope also commanded Ferdinand and Isabella to
  send men to instruct the inhabitants of these newly discovered lands in the
  Catholic faith and in good morals, and, following the precedent of the bull
  Romanus pontifex' forbade anyone to go to them for trade or other purposes
  without special permit from the rulers of Castile.4 He empowered the
  sovereigns of Castile to enjoy in respect to their discoveries the rights
  previously granted to Portugal in respect to hers, as if the terms of the
  grants to Portugal were repeated in this bull. | 
  | 
1493/05/03 | 
Bull
  “Eximiae Devotionis”, Alexander VI | Although
  this bull bears the same date as the preceding,' it would seem that its
  expediting was not begun until July. In somewhat more precise and emphatic
  terms it repeats that concession of the earlier bull, which ex tended to the
  Catholic kings in respect to the lands discovered by Columbus the privileges
  previously granted to the kings of Portugal in respect to their discoveries
  in " Africa, Guinea, and the Gold Mine ". | 
  | 
1493/05/04 | 
Bull
  “Inter Caetera”, Alexander VI | 
Like
  the bull Eximiae devotionis of May 3,1 the bull Inter caetera of May 4 is a
  restatement of part of the bull Inter caetera of May 3.* Taken together the
  two later bulls cover the same ground as the bull Inter caetera of May 3, for
  which they form a substitute. The changes introduced into the bull Inter
  caetera of May 4, are, however, of great importance, and highly favorable to
  Spain. Instead of merely granting to Castile the lands discovered by her
  envoys, and not under Christian rule, the revised bull draws a line of
  demarcation one hundred leagues west of any of the Azores or Cape Verde
  Islands, and assigns to Castile the exclusive right to acquire territorial
  possessions and to trade in all the lands west of that line, which at
  Christmas, 1492, were not in the possession of any Christian prince. The
  general safe guard to the possible conflicting rights of Portugal is lacking.
  All persons are forbidden to approach the lands west of the line without
  special license from the rulers of Castile. It is not probable that by this
  bull Alexander VI. intended to secure to Portugal an eastern route to the
  Indies, as some writers have maintained. In the bulls of May 3, the earlier
  papal grants to Portugal are said to have given her rights in the region of
  Guinea and the Gold Mine, but the Indies are not mentioned. The bull of May 4
  does not name Portugal and refers to her only in the clause which excepts
  from the donation any lands west of the demarcation line, which at Christmas,
  1492, might be in the possession of any Christian prince. | 
  | 
1493/09/26 | 
Bull
  “Dudum Siquidem”, Alexander VI | 
Not
  long after- the interview of March 9, 1493, between Columbus and John II. of
  Portugal,1 the latter caused an armada to be fitted out to take possession of
  the lands found by Columbus. A report ' of these hostile prepa rations having
  reached the Spanish sovereigns they at once dispatched Lope de Herrera to the
  Portuguese court to request that ambassadors be sent them, and that the
  caravels should not sail, or Portuguese subjects go to those parts, until it
  should be determined within whose seas the discoveries lay. Meanwhile the
  King of Portugal had sent Ruy de Sande to the Spanish sovereigns to entreat
  them (among other things) to prohibit their subjects from fishing south of
  Cape Bojador till the limits of the possessions of both kingdoms should be
  fixed, and to make these limits the parallel of the Canaries, leaving the
  navigation south of this line to the Portuguese." In the middle of
  August the Portuguese ambassadors, Pero Diaz and Ruy de Pina, arrived in
  Barcelona, and an attempt at settlement was made. In the midst of the negotiations
  the Spanish sovereigns appealed to the Pope, who, on September 26, granted
  them a fourth bull, which confirmed the bull Inter caetera of May 4,'
  extended it so as to secure to Spain any lands discovered by her in her
  westward navigations, even though they should be in the eastern regions and
  belong to India, excluded the subjects of all other crowns from navigating or
  fishing or exploring in those parts, without license from Spain, and revoked
  all the earlier papal grants to Portugal which might seem to give her a claim
  to lands not already actually possessed by her in those regions. | 
  | 
1494/06/07 | 
Treaty
  of Tordesllas | 
In
  the negotiations begun at Barcelona in the middle of August, 1493,* Spain
  insisted that just as her navigators would refrain from visiting the regions
  reserved to Portugal — which Spain described as the Madeiras, Azores, Cape
  Verde, and other islands discovered prior to 1479, and the region from the
  Canaries down towards Guinea — so the Portuguese must keep away from Spain's
  discoveries.' No agreement, however, could be reached, because, as the
  Spanish sovereigns wrote to Columbus, the Portu guese ambassadors were not
  informed as to what belonged to Spain.* Accordingly, in November, 1493, a
  magnificent embassy, headed by Garcia de Carvajal, brother of the Spanish
  ambassador in Rome, and Pedro de Ayala, was dispatched to the Portuguese
  court; but it accomplished nothing. In March, 1494, the Portuguese
  commissioners, Ruy de Sousa, Joao de Sousa, his son, and Ayres de Almada,
  treated directly with the Spanish sovereigns in Medina del Campo. Portugal
  felt aggrieved by the papal bull,' which designated as the eastern limit of
  the Spanish demarcation a meridian only one hundred leagues west of the
  Azores or Cape Verde Islands. As their ships were continually sailing to
  these islands, the Portuguese considered the limits too narrow. They
  therefore wished another meridian to be agreed on, farther to the west,
  half-way between the Cape Verde Islands and the lands discovered by
  Columbus.' King John " was certain that within those limits famous lands
  and things must be found." This new line of demarc tion was agreed to by
  Ferdinand and Isabella, and on June 7, at Tordesillas near Valladolid, the
  Spanish representatives, Don Enrique Enriques, Don Gutierre de Cardenas, and
  Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado, concluded a treaty with the above-mentioned
  plenipotentiaries of Portugal. According to this treaty all lands lying east
  of a meridian located 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, and
  discovered by Portugal, were to pertain to that country and all lands west of
  the line, discovered by Spain, were to pertain to Spain. If the sovereign of
  either country discovered lands within the bounds assigned to the other, he
  must surrender them to the other monarch. Within ten months after the date of
  the treaty each party was to send one or two caravels with pilots,
  astrologers, and mariners (the same number on each side) to assemble at the
  Grand Canary, sail to the Cape Verde Islands and thence west to deter mine
  the boundary ; if the line should intersect land, boundary towers or marks
  were to be erected. Spanish ships crossing the Portuguese seas east of the
  line must follow the most direct route to their destination. Lands discovered
  by Spain within the twenty days next following the conclusion of the treaty
  were to belong to Portugal if situated within the first 250 leagues west of the
  Cape Verde Islands, otherwise to Spain. The pope was asked to confirm the
  treaty upon the request of either or both parties thereto. Since in the then
  existing state of knowledge it was impossible to deter mine the position of
  the delimiting meridian, the treaty led to further disagreements and its
  interpretation has been a matter of dispute down to modern times. At
  different periods, in accordance with her changing inter ests, Portugal
  claimed now one and now another of the Cape Verde group as the point of
  departure for measurement westwards. Another debated question was the number
  of leagues in a degree. | 
  | 
1495/05/07 | 
Compact
  between Spain and Portugal | 
The
  rulers of Spain and Portugal did not put into effect the provision of the
  treaty of Tordesillas ' for dispatching caravels within ten months in order
  to determine the line of demarcation. On May 7, 1495, tne Spanish monarchs
  signed an agreement that during the following September commissioners should
  assemble on the frontier of the two kingdoms to decide upon the method of
  fixing the line; that upon notification by either party, the other party must
  cause the said line to be determined in accordance with the method approved
  by the commissioners ; that the departure of the caravels should be
  postponed, and orders given to place the line on all hydrographical maps made
  in either kingdom. The main stipulations of this compact were not carried
  out. Apparently it was not until 1512 that either monarch planned an
  expedition to determine the line.' The earliest of existing maps on which the
  line of demarcation appears, is the Cantino map, of 1502. On the Munich-
  Portuguese map of 1 519, and on the Weimar-Spanish (1527) and Ribero (1529)
  maps, this line does duty also as the prime meridian.' | 
  | 
1506/01/24 | 
Bull
  “Ea Quae”, Julius II | 
In
  1498 Vasco da Gama reached Calicut by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Two years
  later, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, hastening to India in command of a Portuguese
  fleet to follow up Gama's successes, landed, near 160 south, upon the coast
  of Brazil, of which, nearly three months previously, Pinzon, and, shortly
  after, Diego de Lepe, had taken formal possession for Castile. The fact that
  this portion of South America extended beyond the east or Portuguese side of
  the line of demarcation further complicated the relations of the two
  countries, whose rivalry now became intense. Expeditions in which Vespucius,
  detached for a time from Spanish service, sailed under a Portu guese captain
  (1 501-1502, 1 503-1 504), acquainted the Portuguese with the vast extent of
  the Brazilian coast, and far to the north, in 1500 and 1501, Gaspare
  Corte-Real visited lands which the Portuguese located on their side of the
  line.1 The line, therefore, now had a new value for the Portuguese and it was
  probably this fact that induced King Emmanuel to ask Pope Julius II. to
  confirm the treaty of Tordesillas that had established it.' Julius II. was
  well disposed toward King Emmanuel, who was so zealously laboring for the
  extension of the faith in Morocco, in Guinea, and notably in India, where the
  foundations of a colonial empire were beginning to be laid. In the early
  summer of 1505. a Portuguese embassy of obedience reached Rome, and before
  its return to Portugal in the following October, had obtained from the
  pontiff a number of important concessions." In the following spring, the
  pope bestowed upon the king the consecrated golden rose.4 A few months after
  the return of the embassy and before the bestowal of the rose, in response to
  a request from King Emmanuel, the pope granted three bulls, all dated January
  24. 1506.' Of these bulls, the one here printed enjoined the Archbishop of
  Braga and the Bishop of Vizeu to confirm the treaty of Tordesillas, and cause
  it to be inviolably observed. The Archbishop of Braga was the distinguished prelate,
  Diogo da Souso, who had been elevated to this dignity only a few months
  previously, when he had been in Rome as head of the aforementioned embassy of
  obedience. The Bishop of Vizeu was Jorge da Costa, who had been created
  cardinal of Lisbon in 1476 and who as cardinal protector of Portugal resided
  in Rome from about that date till his death in 1508. | 
  | 
1514/11/03 | 
Bull
  “Praecelsae Devotionis” Leo X | 
In
  March, 15 13, Leo X. became pope, and King Emmanuel soon gained his highest
  favor. A letter from the king to the pope, dated June 6, 1 5 1 3/ set forth
  the Portuguese successes in India, and especially in Malacca, the great
  emporium of the spice trade, captured by Albuquerque in 1511. The pope's
  enthusiastic reception of this news and of the later report of Portuguese
  victories in Morocco greatly pleased the king, who expressed his appreciation
  by sending to Rome in the spring of 1514 an embassy of obedience of
  unequalled splendor.' In return the pope showered favors upon the monarch who
  had so marvelously enlarged the field of missionary enterprise. Like Julius
  II., Leo X. sent the king the consecrated golden rose, and granted the
  requests preferred by the Portuguese ambassadors. When the embassy of
  obedience left Rome, late in May or early in June, Portuguese affairs
  remained in the hands of the ordinary ambassador, Joao de Faria, who obtained
  further concessions from the pope, among which was the bull of June 7, 1514,
  which gave to the king the patronage of ecclesiastical benefices in Africa
  and in all other places beyond the sea, acquired or to be acquired from the
  infidels, and subjected them to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Order of
  Christ.' On November 3, a bull was issued which renewed the earlier donations
  to Portugal, and amplified them in the way in which the bull of September 26,
  1493,' extended the grants previously made to Castile. The bull of November 3
  granted to Portugal the lands and other property acquired from the infidels,
  not only from capes Bojador and Nao to the Indies, but in any region
  whatsoever, even if then unknown. Thus it appears that Pope Leo X. regarded
  the demarcation line as confined to one hemisphere, where it served to
  determine for both powers the route that must be followed to the Indies. For
  the present bull permitted the Portuguese, following the eastern route, to
  acquire lands from the infidels, even though these lands were situated more
  than half-way around the globe. The Portuguese desired | 
  | 
1524/02/19 | 
Treaty
  between Spain and Portugal | 
The
  attainment of India by the Portuguese incited the Spaniards to discover a
  strait leading westward to the Spice Islands. This was the purpose of
  Columbus's fourth voyage (1502-1504), and of several other Spanish
  expeditions, planned or undertaken in the following decade. The King of
  Portugal kept jealous watch of these enterprises and his protests caused at
  least one projected expedition of this kind to be postponed.' In 1 518 the
  Portuguese captain Magellan, who had served in the Far East, deeming himself
  ungratefully treated by King Emmanuel, transferred his allegiance to King
  Charles of Spain.' On the ground that the Spice Islands (Moluccas) lay on the
  Spanish side of the line of demarcation, he persuaded Charles to employ him
  to lead an expedition thither by the western route." Despite the King of
  Spain's assurances that his commanders were charged to respect existing
  international agreements touching the line of demarcation,' Portugal strove
  to frustrate Magellan's negotiations, and, failing in this, to obstruct the
  execution of his project.' These attempts failed and in November, 1521, the
  Spanish expedition, having discovered on the voyage the Ladrones and the
  Philippine Islands, reached the Moluccas, where the native rulers concluded
  treaties with the leaders of the expedition and declared themselves vassals
  of Spain.* In the Moluccas the Spaniards found themselves face to face with
  the Portuguese, who had discovered the islands ten years before, and
  manifested their resentment against the intruders by destroying a trading
  post that the Spaniards were attempting to establish, and by seizing a ship.
  Portuguese hostility was also displayed in another quarter, when the
  Victoria, the only vessel of the Spanish fleet that completed the voyage
  round the globe, was obliged, near the end of her course, to put in at the
  Cape Verde Islands.' Here the Portuguese detained several of her crew as
  prisoners, and the King of Portugal, learning what had occurred, dispatched
  four caravels in vain pursuit of the ship." Shortly after the return of
  the Victoria to Spain the two courts began negotiations relative to the
  Moluccas. Three closely related questions were distinguished: (1) the
  determination of the line of demarcation in accordance with the treaty of
  Tordesillas ; (2) the possession of the Moluccas; and (3) their ownership.
  Early in the negotiations the Emperor suggested that in addition to the
  caravels dispatched by each power to make a demarcation, Pope Adrian VI.
  should send a caravel, and act as umpire." As to possession, both
  parties claimed it. The Emperor argued that even if the Moluccas had been
  first seen or discovered by Portuguese ships, yet they had not been taken or
  possessed, and therefore not effectually found by them ; while he, on the
  other hand, was acknowledged by the native rulers as lord of those regions.1*
  He admitted, however, that the Portuguese were in possession of Malacca,
  although many believed that this also lay within the Spanish demarcation. The
  Portuguese, on the other hand, asserted that they had found the Moluccas, and
  that there fore, even if they were on the Spanish side of the line of
  demarcation, Spain should, in accordance with the treaty of Tordesillas,
  petition the Portuguese for them. The Spanish argued that, on the contrary,
  such petition should come from the Portuguese." Among the demands made
  by Portugal, one was especially displeasing to the Emperor and the Castilian
  Cortes — that while the questions of possession and ownership remained in
  dispute, neither party should dispatch a trading fleet to the Moluccas. The
  Victoria's cargo had proved of enormous value, and before the end of the year
  1522 a second fleet was being hastily equipped to sail to the Spice Islands
  from Coruña. In consequence of Portugal's opposition, the Emperor postponed
  its departure, but in 1523 he promised the Cortes of Castile that it should
  be dispatched as soon as possible and that he would not surrender the "
  Spicery " or come to any other agreement respecting it that was
  prejudicial to Castile." The negotiations ended in the signing of a
  provisional treaty in the city of Vitoria on February 19, 1524. The principal
  stipulations were that each party should appoint three astrologers and three
  pilots to assemble not later than the end of March at the frontier of the two
  countries to determine the demarcation ; and three lawyers to meet at the
  same time and place to deter mine the question of possession. I f possible
  the questions were to be decided by the end of May, 1524. Before that time
  neither party was to dispatch a trading expedition to the Moluccas. The
  treaty was ratified by the Emperor on February 27, 1524. | 
  | 
1526 | 
Draft
  of unconcluded treaty between Spain and Portugal | 
In
  fulfillment of the terms of the treaty of Vitoria,' the " junta of
  Badajoz " was held on the Spanish-Portuguese frontier between Badajoz
  and Elvas from April 11 to the end of May, 1524, when the Spanish
  commissioners voted against its further continuance." The conference was
  without result. In the case on possession neither side would act as
  plaintiff. In the case on ownership its failure was, indeed, inevitable ; for
  in the then existing state of knowledge it was impossible to prove the
  fundamental question of the length of an equatorial degree, and hence to
  locate the line of demarcation or determine the longitude of the Moluccas.
  The Portuguese commis sioners insisted that the 370 leagues should be
  measured from the eastern islands of the Cape Verde group, while the
  Spaniards were determined that the measurement should begin at the most
  westerly of these islands. As measured on the Portuguese and Spanish maps
  respectively, the distance from the eastern Cape Verde Islands to the
  Moluccas differed by 460. The Portuguese located the Moluccas 21 ° east of
  the demarcation line; the Spaniards, a greater distance west of that
  meridian. The conference having ended, diplomatic negotiations were resumed ;
  and it was not till the lapse of nearly five years that the dispute was
  terminated," in a manner altogether different from that which was at
  first proposed. The most important stages in this negotiation, up to 1526,
  are indicated in the following draft of a treaty, which was probably drawn up
  at Seville,' and was not concluded. | 
  | 
1529/04/17 | 
Treaty
  (not ratified) between Spain and Portugal | 
Near
  the beginning of the year 1527, the Emperor Charles V., urgently needing
  money, entertained the project of selling, or pawning, to the Portu guese
  crown, his claim to the Moluccas.1 At about the same time, through the
  English ambassador in Spain, he attempted to interest Henry VIII. in pur
  chasing the islands.' As a condition of entering into the contract, the King
  of Portugal, John III., required it to be approved and authorized by the
  Cortes of Castile,' to whom the Emperor had given his word that he would not
  alienate the Moluccas/ The Emperor, on the other hand, adduced various
  reasons to prove that such authorization was unnecessary. It was finally
  agreed to refer the question of the legal necessity for such approval and
  authorization to the ten leading lawyers of the Emperor's Royal Council. If
  the lawyers agreed that the necessity did not exist, the King of Portugal
  promised to abide by their decision.' Near the beginning of 1528, when the
  Emperor was on the eve of war with France and England, he despatched Lope
  Hurtado as ambassador to Portugal, to procure the assistance of that crown
  against Spain's enemies." Hurtado was also instructed * to persuade King
  John to dismiss the French ambassador, Honore de Caix, who, objectionable on
  other grounds, apparently desired some concessions from Portugal in the
  matter of the spice trade.* Hurtado was instructed not to negotiate
  concerning the Spice Islands — that negotiation was being conducted chiefly
  through the Portuguese ambassador at the Spanish court — but his
  correspondence shows that both sovereigns were anxious to settle the long
  controversy. The Emperor's habitual need of money was intensified by his war
  with France and by his projected journey to Italy for his Coronation, and, in
  Hurtado's opinion, the King of Portugal's unwillingness to endanger his
  commerce by engaging in the Spanish war would make him the more ready to
  satisfy the Emperor in regard to the Spice Islands. Moreover, another Spanish
  fleet was being fitted out at Cortina.* | 
  | 
1529/04/22 | 
Treaty
  of Saragossa | 
The
  treaty concluded at Saragossa on April 17, 1529,' by the plenipotentiaries of
  Spain and Portugal, was not ratified. Five days later, in the same city, the
  same plenipotentiaries, with one additional representative of Spain,'
  concluded a second treaty. This differed from the first in several
  particulars, most strikingly in the omission of the provisions of the twelfth
  article — that the Emperor should order his Royal Council to find out whether
  the treaty could be legally made without the approval of the pueblos. The
  omission of this article is explained by a document preserved in the National
  Archives at Lisbon, which contains : ( 1 ) the decision reached by lawyers of
  the Royal Council to the effect that the Emperor and King of Castile might
  legally enter into the contract in respect to the Moluccas, and that the
  consent, authorization, and approbation of his towns were not necessary ; (2)
  the Emperor's confirmation and promise to regard the lawyers' decision, and
  his abrogation of all contrary laws and regulations. The Emperor's letter is
  dated April 23, 1 529.' The treaty concluded on April 22, ratified by the
  Emperor on the following day and by the King of Portugal more than a year
  later, was disliked in Spain. As late as 1548, the Cortes petitioned the
  Emperor that the whole realm should redeem the Moluccas in order that Spain
  might have the benefit of their spice-trade, if only for six years.' By the
  terms of the treaty of Saragossa, the Philippine Islands fell within the
  Portuguese demarcation; and when, in 1542- 1543, Ruy Lopez de Villa lobos led
  a colonizing expedition thither from New Spain, the Portuguese governor of
  the Moluccas protested vigorously, demanding his withdrawal on the ground
  that his occupation of the Philippines violated the aforesaid treaty.' In
  1568 a fruitless protest was made against Legazpi's colonization : * in 1580
  Spain's annexation of the Portuguese crown quieted the dispute. Upon the
  separation of the crowns in 1640, however, as the Portuguese claimed, "
  the conditions of the Deed of Saragossa gave rise to a new title by which
  Portugal [might] claim restitution of or equivalent for all that the
  Spaniards had occupied to the west " of the line fixed by this treaty.'
  The controversy was not ended until 1750, when, by the first and second articles
  of a Spanish-Portuguese treaty signed at Madrid, it was stipulated that the
  demarcation lines provided for in the bull of Alexander VI." And in the
  treaties of Tordesillas * and Saragossa should be annulled ; that Spain
  should permanently retain the Philippines, " in spite of the conditions
  con tained in the Deed signed at Saragossa on the 22d of April, 1529 " ;
  and that the crown of Portugal should not be entitled to recover any part of
  the price which it paid under the sale effected by the said deed." |